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Our Foreign Policy and English Influence

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OUR FOREIGN POLICY AND ENGLISH INFLUENCE.

"The United States believe it to be their duty—and they mean to execute it—to watch over the persons and property of their citizens visiting foreign countries, and to intervene for their protection when such action is justified by existing circumstances and by the law of nations."

The above is an extract from a despatch of our venerable Secretary of State to General Lamar,1 minister resident of the U.S. to Central America. We congratulate the people of this country, both at home and abroad, upon the new era in our Foreign policy which has been so ably commenced by General Cass.2 The man who dares to stand up boldly before the powers of Europe and of the whole world in vindication of the national honor, is worthy of all commendation, however strong our prejudices may be upon the political issues which are continually arising under a Republican form of government. We are willing not to let them bias our judgment when the national honor is at stake. We may differ with the present administration upon the political issues which are caused by those who maintain that the creed established by the Democratic party is considered by them as the only true system for maintaining Republican institutions, yet we venture to say that every honest politician, no matter to what party he may belong, will agree with us that the time has arrived when we should determine upon what shall be the basis of our Foreign policy.

There is now a fair prospect that the Spanish American republics will be compelled to satisfactorily arrange the difficulties which have so long existed between us. It is all important that our government should immediately follow up the instructions transmitted to General Lamar with as earnest a demonstration of the power of this government to protect its citizens as is pursued by other leading powers under like circumstances.

Congress will convene in December next when we hope that the President3 will recommend such action relative to the outrages committed upon our citizens by the merciless set of vagabonds who have so long infested those countries with a system of government worse than barbarous, as the exingencies of our relations with them demand. We are not in favor of vesting powers in the President of a character which will be the least dictatorial, but we are in favor of sustaining such a course of action relative to our Foreign policy as will teach every aspirant for power throughout Spanish America such a lesson as will be of some service to the renegades who have so long gratified their vengeance by imprisoning our citizens for crimes never committed. We think that the time has arrived when the honor of this great Republic must be vindicated, should it become necessary to lay desolate every foot of soil now governed by these tyrants to avenge the blood of Americans who have been murdered, and of others torn from their families without a moment's warning to gratify the vengeance of the fiends who would delight to again introduce the days of the Spanish inquisition. We say that the people of this country are anxious to pursue such a course as well compel these worse than barbarian powers to respect our rights and privileges guaranteed by treaties and the law of nations.

Notice has been given to England of such a character as will at least set her to thinking of the determination of our government relative to her attempts to foil our honorable negotiations with Central America. The European powers are informed that the day has gone by for them to interfere with American affairs, to which the United States have long since avowed their opposition, and which they will resist under all circumstances. The Allied powers will not look with indifference upon the declaration of Gen. Cass, that this government has yielded enough to the weakness of those republics, and without doing them injustice they will now take care and do justice to themselves. This is a doctrine which will set the despots of Europe to work. They are not in the habit of interpreting plain English in its literal sense, but we are aware of the fact that the foreign police of this country is being placed upon a basis so sound in its character that all Europe, as well as Spanish America, will find that the edict has gone forth and will be maintained, and he who interferes in American affairs will have to pay a penalty which will cost him more than all the Kingdoms of the Old World are worth.

It has been the policy of England to prevent our gaining any advantages which would extend our commerce. The jealousy which exists in England against us is so notorious in Spanish America, that it has been impossible heretofore to gain a commercial footing strong enough to make our influence felt either with the governments of Spanish America or with the different races of men who are continually waging war upon each other for no other purpose than to gain possession of the revenues of the country. They have found themselves supported by England in their damnable villainy, because they are always willing to allow her commercial interests to crush out those of all other nations.

It has been her policy to place men at the head of the government of Spanish America who would raise every obstacle in the way of our commercial interests; our envoys have been met with insults of the gravest character, dictated and controlled by her emissaries, where-ever they have attempted to establish for us the same rights and privileges as are conferred upon her citizens. We have thus far submitted to a system of diplomacy which has given to England more power in all Spanish America than she could hold, under the most favorable circumstances; her influence is greater to day throughout the entire extent of the Colonies formerly held by old Spain that it is in any of her Colonies in the West Indies. She has heretofore controlled more power by diplomacy in Central and South America, than she does in her West Indian possessions by the loyalty of her people, assisted by her Army and Navy.


Notes:

1. Mirabeau B. Lamar (1798–1859) was a Texas politician. [back]

2. Lewis Cass (1782–1866) was a Secretary of State from 1857 to 1860. [back]

3. James Buchanan (1791–1868) was the fifteenth President of the United States (1857–1861). Late in life Whitman still considered Buchanan "perhaps the weakest of the President tribe—the very unablest" (With Walt Whitman in Camden, Monday, November 5, 1888). For more information on Whitman and his disdain for Buchanon, see also Bernard Hirschorn, ""To a President" (1860)," Walt Whitman: An Encyclopedia, ed. J.R. LeMaster and Donald D. Kummings (New York: Garland Publishing, 1998). [back]

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